The Bill of Rights

Amendment I

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment II

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment III

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment IV

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Amendment V

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Amendment VI

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

Amendment VII

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Amendment IX

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment X

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

AMENDMENT XIX

Passed by Congress June 4, 1919. Ratified August 18, 1920.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

AMENDMENT XX

Passed by Congress March 2, 1932. Ratified January 23, 1933.

Note: Article I, section 4, of the Constitution was modified by section 2 of this amendment. In addition, a portion of the 12th amendment was superseded by section 3.

Section 1.
The terms of the President and the Vice President shall end at noon on the 20th day of January, and the terms of Senators and Representatives at noon on the 3d day of January, of the years in which such terms would have ended if this article had not been ratified; and the terms of their successors shall then begin.

Section 2.
The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall begin at noon on the 3d day of January, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Section 3.
If, at the time fixed for the beginning of the term of the President, the President elect shall have died, the Vice President elect shall become President. If a President shall not have been chosen before the time fixed for the beginning of his term, or if the President elect shall have failed to qualify, then the Vice President elect shall act as President until a President shall have qualified; and the Congress may by law provide for the case wherein neither a President elect nor a Vice President shall have qualified, declaring who shall then act as President, or the manner in which one who is to act shall be selected, and such person shall act accordingly until a President or Vice President shall have qualified.

Section 4.
The Congress may by law provide for the case of the death of any of the persons from whom the House of Representatives may choose a President whenever the right of choice shall have devolved upon them, and for the case of the death of any of the persons from whom the Senate may choose a Vice President whenever the right of choice shall have devolved upon them.

Section 5.
Sections 1 and 2 shall take effect on the 15th day of October following the ratification of this article.

Section 6.
This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission.

AMENDMENT XXI

Passed by Congress February 20, 1933. Ratified December 5, 1933.

Section 1.
The eighteenth article of amendment to the Constitution of the United States is hereby repealed.

Section 2.
The transportation or importation into any State, Territory, or Possession of the United States for delivery or use therein of intoxicating liquors, in violation of the laws thereof, is hereby prohibited.

Section 3.
This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by conventions in the several States, as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress.

AMENDMENT XXII

Passed by Congress March 21, 1947. Ratified February 27, 1951.

Section 1.
No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of President more than once. But this Article shall not apply to any person holding the office of President when this Article was proposed by Congress, and shall not prevent any person who may be holding the office of President, or acting as President, during the term within which this Article becomes operative from holding the office of President or acting as President during the remainder of such term.

Section 2.
This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission to the States by the Congress.

AMENDMENT XXIII

Passed by Congress June 16, 1960. Ratified March 29, 1961.

Section 1.
The District constituting the seat of Government of the United States shall appoint in such manner as Congress may direct:

A number of electors of President and Vice President equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives in Congress to which the District would be entitled if it were a State, but in no event more than the least populous State; they shall be in addition to those appointed by the States, but they shall be considered, for the purposes of the election of President and Vice President, to be electors appointed by a State; and they shall meet in the District and perform such duties as provided by the twelfth article of amendment.

Section 2.
The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

AMENDMENT XXIV

Passed by Congress August 27, 1962. Ratified January 23, 1964.

Section 1.
The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other election for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of failure to pay poll tax or other tax.

Section 2.
The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

AMENDMENT XXV

Passed by Congress July 6, 1965. Ratified February 10, 1967.

Note: Article II, section 1, of the Constitution was affected by the 25th amendment.

Section 1.
In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall become President.

Section 2.
Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress.

Section 3.
Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President as Acting President.

Section 4.
Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.

Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

AMENDMENT XXVI

Passed by Congress March 23, 1971. Ratified July 1, 1971.

Note: Amendment 14, section 2, of the Constitution was modified by section 1 of the 26th amendment.

Section 1.
The right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age.

Section 2.
The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

AMENDMENT XXVII

Originally proposed Sept. 25, 1789. Ratified May 7, 1992.

No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.

9:02 PM - 2 Comments - 3 Kudos - Add Comment

Patrick Henry 1736 - 1799 Give me liberty or give me death!

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my  sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.  The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country.  For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as .. of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty  toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
  
    Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope.  We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she  transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?  Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
  
    I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past.  And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which  gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House.  Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?  Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not ourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and   
darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other.  They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them?  Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.  Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain.  Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne!  In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight!  An appeal to arms  and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!  

    They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.  The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone.  There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery!  Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston!  The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
  
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms!  Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle?  What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?  Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take;  
but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

8:48 PM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment

What I think is Annoying

1.      When someone says they don't have enough gas to hang out.

-         Hello that screams "I'm poor, I can't prioritize, and budget." That really does not make you look independent or responsible. Lame excuse, if it's an excuse and lame person if it's for real.

2.      I don't use instant messengers. But, I have Myspace.

- Hello that's like "I don't have a phone." I mean are you just trying to not give out your screen name? Or do you not know how to download and or use the messengers? WTF? Very annoying!

8:31 PM - 2 Comments - 2 Kudos - Add Comment

Rand's philosophy is wrong because it's not balanced.

"and, by the way, Rand's philosophy is wrong because it's not balanced.
individuality is JUST as important and benefcial as collectivism... serving our own interests is just as important as serving the "greater good".

the point should be for each of us and for society at large, to achieve balance and harmony between the two."


Now this is an interesting idea. Let's tie this to reality. Of what balance do you speak of exactly? The balance between good and evil? Are you saying Objectivism is too good, or too evil? Should someone attempt to balance rationality with irrationality? This sounds like great advice! How do you practice this in your daily life? Do you decide to balance your day with moral and immoral acts? Do you think to yourself "Let's not be too honest that would be too extreme?" Do you ask people to not be so reasonable? This type of thinking is the essence of what it means to advocate a mixed economy, and it is consistent with eastern mysticism. So you advocate balance? By what standard do you decide how much poison to take and how much medicine you need? When someone advocates a mixed economy they essentially advocate mixed morality, mixed epistemology, and mixed metaphysics. When and how do you know if you are acting too individualistically? Who is going to tell you? When or how do you know to use your mind and science or depend on faith? Let me ask you, would you want to deal with someone that said to you; "Well I am honest sometimes, I won't steal from you too much, I won't beat my wife too often, but I do these things to bring balance and harmony into the world." Let me give you the answer: There is no standard to such a mentality or philosophy that advocates a compromise between life and death, good and evil. The purpose of such an idea is to obtain a blank check on morality. But, what I think is an even greater tragedy here than seeing someone state that Ayn Rand's philosophy is wrong because it is not balanced, is that someone that lives in this country can actually come to the conclusion that capitalism and communism are both good.

8:38 AM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment

Email to LOU DOBBS 05-29-07

Let's not forget that China is a communist country. Should it be any surprise that they would be producing toys for export that are made stuffed with garbage? The companies and importers here in this country are responsible for the products that they sell; if these products are harmful then they can and should be prosecuted.

China is living the standards and ideals that are preached daily here in the United Stated by the media and majority of people which do not understand how a free market works or what free trade means and requires. You can see how well government controls and regulations work in China; they are extreme enough that their penalties go so far as death. Yet it is China that is the country that produces millions of products that are deadly and dangerous. No government can save anyone from these atrocities, but they can and do enable it.

China's only answer is government because there is no free market in China. If you want to see the results of voting for more government look around the world, look at the results.

5:05 PM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment

Dear Senator Hutchison,

I would like to express what I believe is the moral solution to the problems with Medicare, Social Security, and Medicaid. These programs need to be discontinued as soon as possible. The government should offer refunds to those who are under a certain age on the taxes that they have paid already by force. I am 28 years old and I have a 401k and IRA. I do not wish to participate in Medicare, and I do not see any moral/rational reason why I should be obligated to pay for the medical treatment of others young or old, or be mandated to prepare for my own retirement by someone else's rule. The taxes I pay for this program are taken from me against my will; this is the definition of theft. Each and every person is responsible for their own earnings, their own survival and their own retirement. The government collects taxes from every direction, from every point in our economic system. There is no reason that the money cannot be found to pay those who have paid their whole lives into this system and now deserve to receive their benefits. But, cut me out of it! Give me a chance to say no to this process and system. I want to keep as much of the money that I earn as possible, because it's mine and because I have earned it, it's my right; it is your job to protect this right.

6:53 PM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment

Irrationality

Irrationality is a concept and action that can only be, and should only be accepted on legal grounds and only if such irrationality is not the cause of physical harm to others. However, irrationality can and never should be accepted in moral terms. When we choose not to think, not to know, and not to focus our minds, we commit one of the most fatal errors and greatest evils. Ayn Rand wrote that "The irrational is the impossible; it is that which contradicts the facts of reality; facts cannot be altered by a wish, but they can destroy the wisher." What does it mean to apply such moral terms to ones life? Objectivism holds that the more rationality is applied as one's moral absolute the more happiness one can achieve. Rationality is the key concept and premise that propagates life, ongoing existence for mankind, and happiness.  The opposite is just as true; Irrationality is the key concept and premise that propagates death, the destruction of human existence, and misery. Think of every action that is at the root of human suffering, and irrationality is almost always to blame.

7:37 AM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment

Understanding

I reread some of my blogs today and came across one that I wrote when I was very depressed. At the time, I could not understand why I felt that way. Now I think I do, and now I think I understand what was taken from me in my past, and why I have often felt torn in two throughout my life. Rationality existed at a young age before being exposed to people that hold concepts of despair and demand insanity. Wholeness and integration was possible. The world seemed full of wonder, open to exploration. Knowledge and life were there for the taking. At one point my own integrity failed, like rust eating through the hull of a giant ship. Teachers, friends, co-workers, managers, even my parents (unintentionally) all contributed but none of them are truly to blame. I understand now that the longing I thought I had, was not for someone else, but to reach myself. I wrote that I felt as if I was loosing a great part of me everyday, the best within me was in pain, and I understand now, that pain was self-inflicted. Yes, I could blame it on those that had hurt me, but who allowed them to hurt me? I did. It was my own acknowledgment of defeat. I obeyed the irrational, that was the rust eating away at my soul, and the breach was accepting this heresy. The water that could sink the ship would be my own demands for the irrational. I assumed that since everyone else did it why shouldn't I? Since I felt forced to deal with the insane, I too could only deal with them if I myself were insane. I no longer expected rationality from anyone, not even myself. I had turned my back on my mind and it was my mind that was crying, not my heart. It was my mind that was dieing, it was my mind that was sinking like a giant ship stranded in the ocean.

9:55 AM - 1 Comments - 4 Kudos - Add Comment